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nomorepotlucks » Israeli Apartheid 101: From Checkpoints to Cast Lead – Meg Leitold

Israeli Apartheid 101: From Checkpoints to Cast Lead – Meg Leitold

photo by Darren Ell

On December 27, 2008, the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) began a bloody air and sea invasion of the Gaza Strip, later expanded to involve an overwhelming ground incursion of the besieged territory.(1) The devastating 22-day military operation, cynically titled “Operation Cast Lead,” would leave more than 1330 Palestinians dead (457, or one-third, of them children), and 5,450 wounded, according to Palestinian medics.(2) The global response to the massacres committed by Israel in Gaza ranged from anger and horror on the part of people of conscience the world over, to inexcusable silence and strongly-enacted support for Israel on the part of numerous state parties, including Canada.

While the depths of Canadian complicity in Israeli war crimes are unconscionable, especially disturbing was the Canadian public’s surprise and ignorance in the face of such horrific violence. The massacres in Gaza were seen as an isolated event—a legitimate, if excessive, state response to the actions of a “terrorist organization,” rather than as an extreme extension of a policy of violence and militarized segregation that has been in place for over 60 years. In order to adequately understand the situation in Gaza, we must first understand the colonial character of the Israeli state since its founding, and its accompanying history of Zionist settlement, dispossession, and racism. We must also look to the more recent past, and question the dominant media narrative that transpired in the face of the Gaza invasion, in order to more clearly comprehend the gravity of the current circumstances in Palestine.

Historical Amnesia
In January 2006, Palestinian elections took place under international surveillance within a territory under Israeli military occupation that lacked recognized borders, a normal state structure, and any real political autonomy. The result of the elections was a victory for the political party Hamas over the incumbent authority, Fatah.(3) A national unity government was agreed upon by Fatah and Hamas on June 27 of that year, but Israel, the US, the European Union and Canada boycotted the move, and suspended all aid to Gaza. In June of 2006, Israel launched a bloody offensive on Gaza, involving aerial bombardments, assassinations targeting Hamas leaders, the kidnappings of at least 64 officials (many of whom still remain in prison), and a devastating ground invasion.(4) Renewed fighting between Hamas and Fatah aggravated the situation; eventually Hamas took power in Gaza, and Fatah in the West Bank. In June 2007, Israel instituted a total blockade of Gaza.(5)

Negotiated in June 2008 with Egyptian support, a 6-month truce was signed between Israel and Hamas. The accord comprised three points: a ceasefire between the two parties, the extension of the ceasefire to the West Bank at the end of several months, and the lifting of the Israeli siege on Gaza.(6) An agreement on the part of Egypt to open the Rafah passage of the Gaza – Egypt border was also negotiated. During these 6 months, the violence diminished and Hamas stopped firing rockets, but Israeli military incursions killed 25 Palestinians.(7) Contrary to what the truce had outlined, Israel maintained its blockade of Gaza, inadequately opening only a few border passages for short periods of time.(8) The economic strangulation of the siege continued to take its toll, as Gaza remained cut off from sufficient food, fuel and medicine. In the 18-month period from June 2007 to the start of the Israeli invasion in December 2008, 262 Gazans died from lack of access to proper medical care.(9) On December 20th, the day after the truce expired, the first casualty was again a Palestinian, killed by an Israeli air raid.(10) Contrary to what has often and incorrectly been repeated in mainstream media sources, it was Israel and not Hamas who violated the truce.(11) What was Hamas to do, as an elected political party charged with the defence of Gaza’s civilian population, in the face of Israel’s blatant ceasefire violations?

The Israeli state claimed to act in “legitimate self-defence” on December 27, in response to rockets fired by Hamas and its refusal to prolong the truce. In reality, according to a December 31 article in the Israeli daily Ha’aretz, the bloody Operation Cast Lead was planned well before the beginning of truce negotiations in June 2008, and the six months’ ceasefire were allotted in order for the Israeli state to work out the remaining details regarding the incursion.(12) The only thing missing was a pretext. With this necessary component lacking, the Israeli government took the time to warn its Egyptian counterpart and wait for the official end to the truce to launch its attack on Gaza. Indeed, the words of Israeli Deputy Defence Minister Matan Vilnai in February 2008, foretelling a Palestinian “shoah” (Hebrew for “holocaust”) in Gaza, seem disturbingly prophetic in hindsight.(13)

Any attempt to categorize Israel’s recent military actions as “surgical” or “restrained” lost all legitimacy with the preliminary tally of damage to civilian infrastructure, and with even a slight understanding of Gaza’s demography. The Gaza Strip is one of the most densely populated regions on earth, with 1.5 million people on approximately 360 square kilometres, and 44.7 per cent of the Gaza population was under the age of 14 in 2008, according to the CIA(14) (meaning that approximately half of the Gazan population was under the age of 12—clearly not old enough to elect their own government—in 2006 when Hamas came to electoral power). Gaza’s oft-quoted status as an “open air prison” since the beginning of the 2007 siege became all the more brutally evident during Israel’s invasion. One and a half million people, nearly half of them pre-pubescent, were locked in on all sides with nowhere to run when the bombs began to rain down. Israel’s attack on Gaza, from this purview, cannot be called “self-defence” or a “response to terrorist provocation.” Rather, terms such as “collective punishment” (in violation of Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention)(15) and “butchery” spring more quickly to mind.

The full depths of Israel’s war crimes will undoubtedly remain unknown for some time, but snatches of the terror and agony in which Gazans lived and died over the 22-day assault are slowly coming to light. A myriad of experts’ allegations(16) and photographic evidence(17) of Israel’s use of DIME (Dense Inert Metal Explosives) weaponry and white phosphorus (an incendiary weapon that causes horrific burns to human skin, and illegal under international law for use against people) on crowded refugee camps in Gaza surfaced, as the invasion continued to devastate. Bombing targets by Israel’s helicopters and fighter planes over the duration of the incursion included the Islamic University of Gaza, the Ministry of the Interior in Gaza City, a United Nations (UN) convoy, hospitals, media stations, ambulances, mosques, homes, a UN warehouse containing food and medical supplies,(18) and three UN schools(19) (leaving 43 dead who had sought refuge in the schools, whose GPS coordinates were known by Israeli military officials months prior to the invasion)(20) — belying the fallacious rhetoric of Israel’s attacks as “calculated” and marking exclusively military targets. The revelations that Israel prevented Palestinian ambulances from attending to the dead and wounded (in some cases for up to four days), in blatant breach of the Geneva Conventions, and the Red Cross’s delayed discovery of four emaciated children lying next to their mothers’ corpses in Zaytoun, were equally ghastly.(21) The horrific story of Rawhiyya al Najar, carrying her baby in one hand and a white flag in the other, shot in the head in broad daylight by an Israeli soldier in the town of Khuza’a, is among the many accounts of Israeli military terror that have only begun to emerge.(22) The IDF’s incursions into Gaza constitute grave violations of international law, including, among other illegal acts, the use of collective punishment, the targeting of civilians, and the use of disproportionate force.

The toll of material destruction, difficult to quantify, will doubtless deprive the Gazan population of essential infrastructure and decent living conditions for a long time to come. Recent estimates claim that more than 50,000 Gazans are homeless as a result of the Israeli invasion. More than 4,000 homes were completely destroyed in the invasion, and 17,000 more were badly damaged;(23) 30 mosques, five media institutions, two health care facilities, 60 police stations, and 29 educational institutions were destroyed. 121 industrial facilities lie in ruins, with 200 more partially damaged.(24) But all of the numbers in the world do precious little to quantify the devastation in Gaza. Indeed, survivors of the massacres repeat over and over that words cannot express the desolation and ruin in the wake of Israel’s attacks. And regarding the rubble from the limited perspective of an isolated incursion does nothing to alleviate the suffering and oppression of the people of Gaza, the majority of whom are refugees who fled their homes and lands in 1948 during Al-Nakba (“the catastrophe”), the founding of the state of Israel.(25)

Hideous Twins: Apartheid and Militarism
Apartheid, from the Afrikaans literally meaning “separateness,” is a term used to describe the policies of racially-based segregation, discrimination and domination as enacted by the state of South Africa from 1948 to 1994. The term acquired new legal meaning and became transferrable to other national contexts with the creation of the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid, which was adopted in 1973.(26) In recent years, a growing body of scholarship, grassroots research and independent media investigation has elucidated the status of Israel as an apartheid state according to this international standard.

Current Canadian involvement in Israeli apartheid is visible in the Canada-Israel Free Trade Agreement, signed in 1997 and expanded in 2003,(27) as well as in a number of provincial bilateral agreements with Israel, including the 2008 Quebec-Israel Accord,(28) and through other instances of corporate investment and cooperation. Canada’s position at the United Nations Human Rights Council in January 2009 as the only one of 47 nations to oppose a non-binding resolution condemning Israel for human rights violations in Gaza(29) spoke volumes in its silence.(30)

Contemporary Canadian complicity in Israeli apartheid is overwhelming, but it also has a longstanding historical precedent. Former Canadian Prime Minister Paul Martin’s statement in November 2005 that “Israel’s values are Canada’s values”(31) was a disturbing but unsurprising admission. After all, Israeli and South African apartheid policies were inspired by and modelled after the Canadian Indian Act of 1876,(32) which established reserves for native people on undesirable, economically unviable pockets of land, isolated from one another. The Act codified in law the separate legal status of “Indians” and Canadian citizens, and restricted the movement of Native peoples who wished to leave the reserve, requiring them to have a permit from an “Indian Agent.” As an incipient architect of colonial apartheid, the Canadian state has not wavered from this commitment since its founding.

The Indian Act permit system was directly transferred to South African apartheid in 1950, where it became the Population Registration Act requiring all South Africans to be racially classified into one of three groups: black, white, or coloured.(33) All blacks were required to carry “pass books” containing fingerprints, photos and information on their access to non-black areas.

Comparatively, Palestinian citizens of Israel are required to carry ID cards that identify them as non-Jewish, as well as contain other personal information. Movement and access to certain areas are denied and restricted through the use of such cards. Currently in the West Bank, Palestinians are forced to use differently-coloured license plates that identify their place of origin and are not permitted on many West Bank roads which have been declared “Israeli only.”(34)

South African apartheid was as notorious for its system of pass laws as for the stunning fact that 87% of the land was reserved for whites. In comparison, Israel has reserved 93% of the land in Israel proper (to say nothing of the occupied territories) for Jewish development through state ownership, the Jewish National Fund and the Israeli Lands Authority.(35) The Bantustans that defined South African apartheid have different names in the Israeli context, but in the West Bank the dizzying matrix of more than 600 checkpoints,(36) combined with the construction of a 730 km Wall annexing nearly 50% of the land inside the Green Line (deemed illegal by the International Court of Justice[37]), make the geography of Israeli apartheid undeniable.

With the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948, three-quarters of the Palestinian population, or over 750,000 people, were expelled.(38) These Palestinians and their descendants are forbidden from returning to their homes and lands, making them the second-largest refugee population in the world, at nearly 5 million globally.(39) By contrast, according to Israel’s 1950 Law of Return, any person of Jewish background from anywhere in the world is able to automatically gain Israeli citizenship.

For the 1.4 million Palestinians who hold Israeli citizenship within Israel’s state borders, life is characterized by second-class citizenship. Forty-three Palestinian villages within Israel proper are “unrecognized,” meaning they receive no municipal services and do not appear on maps.(40) Israeli-Palestinians are discriminated against in the labour market by job prerequisites citing “military service” as a requirement (Palestinian citizens of Israel do not serve in the army, while most Jewish citizens are conscripted to military service by law). In South Africa, the apartheid government deliberately starved the black population of education, health care and social services while funding services for the white minority (for instance, in 1978 the average education expenditure for black pupils was US$45, while it was US$696 for white pupils).

Comparatively, the Israeli housing ministry’s budget in 2002 spent about $30 per person in Palestinian communities inside Israel compared with up to $3250 per person in Jewish ones.(41)

It is these conditions, combined with a body of 20 Israeli laws that discriminately privilege its Jewish citizens over its non-Jewish ones (the majority of whom are Israeli-Palestinians),(42) that have led to an analysis of Israel as an apartheid state. International figures such as South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu,(43) former Prime Minister and architect of South African apartheid Hendrik Verwoerd,(44) Congress of South African Trade Unions President Willie Madisha,(45) former US President Jimmy Carter,(46) United Nations General Assembly President Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann,(47) as well as numerous Israeli politicians and military officials, have all come to the same conclusion.

Supporters of the Israeli regime respond to this evaluation of Israel with a number of red-herring arguments. They claim that Israel is the “Middle East’s only democracy;” that the country is a haven for queer people who are persecuted by neighbouring regimes, and that Israel’s commitment to environmental issues is laudable. Finally, in a desperate attempt to silence criticism, regime apologists argue that, while South Africa’s apartheid policies were clearly motivated by racism, Israel’s policies, while similar in result, are driven by a need for “security.” In response, one wonders how dispossession and second-class citizenship accord safety and freedom to queer Palestinians, and I think it safe to presume that any environmentalist assessment of Israel’s military arsenal, potentially including depleted uranium and the aforementioned DIME and white phosphorus,(48) would be deeply critical at best (particularly given its virtually unquestioned status as a nuclear power).(49) Perhaps most importantly, as this paper has attempted to elucidate, the Jewish character of the state of Israel and any semblance of real “democracy” are clearly mutually exclusive and indeed antithetical. And as for the “racism or security” question (leaving aside the racist and colonial underpinnings of Zionist ideology), I refer to the rather uncomplicated idiom: if it walks like a duck and talks like a duck, it is a duck. If Israel’s policies are, in practice and result, comparably or indeed more egregiously unjust, violent and morally repugnant than those of apartheid South Africa, what difference do its intended effects make to our ethical assessment of, and response to, such policies?

It becomes clear, when examined in this light, that Israel’s invasion of Gaza was neither a justified “response” nor a tragic, exaggerated misstep; it was a profound display of exactly the kind of devastating militarism that is required to maintain the artificial segregation of two peoples from one another, for the purpose of dominating one. Having understood this connection, we, as members of international civil society, come to a crucial juncture: what do we do?

Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions: A Burgeoning Movement
On July 9, 2005, a united Palestinian Call for a Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions campaign against Israel was issued, signed by over 170 Palestinian civil society organizations.(50) Importantly, these organizations represent Palestinian refugees in the disapora, those living under occupation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and those subjugated Palestinians who hold Israeli citizenship in 1948 Palestine or the state of Israel.

They called upon international civil society organizations and people of conscience to impose broad boycotts and implement divestment initiatives against Israel, similar to those applied to South Africa in the apartheid era. The goal of such activity is, above all, to end international support for Israeli apartheid and occupation, on which the Israeli regime relies heavily. Actions can range from economic non-cooperation and consumer boycott to the realms of culture, sport, and the academy, in conjunction with moves towards divestment and governmental sanctions. Quoting from the 2005 call for boycott,

These non-violent punitive measures should be maintained until Israel meets its obligation to recognize the Palestinian people’s inalienable right to self-determination and fully complies with the precepts of international law by:
1. Ending its occupation and colonization of all Arab lands and dismantling the Wall;
2. Recognizing the fundamental rights of the Arab-Palestinian citizens of Israel to full equality;
3. Respecting, protecting and promoting the rights of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and properties as stipulated in UN resolution 194.(51)

From dockworkers’ actions in Australia(52) and South Africa,(53) to student occupations at the London School of Economics(54) and Oxford University (among a host of other British university occupations),(55) to the divestment of Hampshire College,(56) to resolutions adopted by the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE) Ontario,(57) L’Association pour une Solidarité Syndicale Étudiante (ASSÉ), the Federation National des Enseignants et Enseignantes du Quebec (FNEEQ-CSN),(58) and the Canadian Union of Postal Workers (CUPW)(59), recent principled stands of solidarity through boycott by various sectors of international civil society are inspiring evidence of the rising momentum against apartheid and for a just peace in historic Palestine. The BDS movement and global opposition to Israeli apartheid will continue to grow until Israel conforms to international law and basic notions of survival, justice, and dignity for the Palestinian people.


[1] Reuters, “Timeline: Israeli-Hamas Violence since Gaza Takeover,” 29 December 2008, http://www.reuters.com/article/newsOne/idUKTRE4BS1M520081229.

[2] Agence France-Presse, “Final toll of Gaza war: 1,330 dead, 5,450 wounded,” France 24 International News, 22 January 2009, http://www.france24.com/en/20090122-final-toll-gaza-war-1330-dead-5450-w….

[3] Scott Wilson, “Hamas Sweeps Palestinian Elections, Complicating Peace Efforts in Mideast,” The Washington Post, 27 January 2006, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/01/26/AR200601….

[4] Hanan Greenberg, “UN ‘Troubled’ by Hamas Legislators’ Arrests,” Israel News, 24 May 2007, http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3404081,00.html.

[5] Heather Sharp, “Guide: Gaza Under Blockade,” BBC News Jerusalem, 11 November 2008, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/7545636.stm.

[6] Isabel Kershner, “Israel Agrees to Truce with Hamas on Gaza,” The New York Times, 18 June 2008, http://www.nytimes.com/2008/06/18/world/middleeast/18mideast.html?_r=3&f….

[7] Joel Greenberg, “Israel-Hamas Cease-fire in Peril as Violence Rises,” Chicago Tribune, 17 November 2008, http://archives.chicagotribune.com/2008/nov/17/business/chi-israel-gaza_….

[8] Mohammed Ali, “Gazans: Israel Violated the Truce,” Al-Jazeera English, 19 December 2008, http://english.aljazeera.net/focus/2008/12/20081218102459596978.html.

[9] CNN Newsroom, “Israelis and Palestinians Suffer Under Bombardments,” 31 December 2008, http://transcripts.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0812/31/cnr.07.html.

[10] Reuters, “Gaza Militant Killed in Israeli Air Strike,” Australia Broadcasting Corporation News, 20 December 2008, http://www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2008/12/20/2451964.htm.

[11] David Morrison, “Israel Broke Ceasefire by Killing Six,” The Irish Times, 30 December 2008, http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/opinion/2008/1230/1230581467173.html.

[12] Barak Ravid, “Disinformation, Secrecy and Lies: How the Gaza Offensive Came About,” Ha’aretz, 31 December 2008, http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1050426.html.

[13] The Guardian, “Israeli Minister Warns of Palestinian ‘Holocaust’,” 29 February 2008, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/feb/29/israelandthepalestinians1.

[14] CIA World Factbook, “Gaza Strip,” https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/gz.html.

[15] United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, “Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War,” 12 August 1949,

[16] Democracy Now!, “White Phosphorous and Dense Inert Metal Explosives: Is Israel Using Banned and Experimental Munitions in Gaza?,” 14 January 2009, http://www.democracynow.org/2009/1/14/white_phosphorous_and_dense_inert_….

[17] Al-Jazeera English, “UN Releases Gaza Attack Photos,” 23 January 2009, http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2009/01/200912284850930973…..

[18] Al-Jazeera English, “Timeline: Gaza Crisis,” 27 January 2009, http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2009/01/200917205418665491…..

[19] Middle East Online, “Israel Hits UN-run Schools,” 6 January 2009, http://www.middle-east-online.com/english/?id=29589.

[20] Tagreed El-Khodary and Isabel Kershner, “Israel Shells Kill 40 at Gaza UN School,” The New York Times, 6 January 2009, http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/07/world/middleeast/07mideast.html?n=Top/….

[21] Craig Whitlock, “Red Cross Reports Grisly Find in Gaza: Israel Accused of Blocking Aid to Wounded,” The Washington Post, 8 January 2009, A01, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/01/07/AR200901….

[22] Al-Jazeera English, “Investigating Gaza’s ‘War Crimes’,” 20 February 2009, http://english.aljazeera.net/focus/crisisingaza/2009/02/2009220973090488….

[23] United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, “Israel-OPT: Gazans Struggle to Find Shelter,” IRIN, 9 February 2009, http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=82822.

[24] Palestinian Centre for Human Rights, “Aftermath Report #3: Is This Not Forbidden?,” 19 February 2009, http://www.pchrgaza.org/files/campaigns/english/aftermath/3.html.

[25] United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, “Gaza Refugee Camp Profiles,” 31 December 2006, http://www.un.org/unrwa/refugees/gaza.html.

[26] United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, “International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid,” 30 November 1973, http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/11.htm.

[27] Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada, “Canada-Israel Free Trade Agreement,” 30 January 2008, http://www.canadabusiness.ca/servlet/ContentServer?pagename=CBSC_ON%2Fdi….

[28] Stefan Christoff, “Quebec Supporting Apartheid?,” bilaterals.org, 23 December 2008, http://www.bilaterals.org/article.php3?id_article=14136&var_recherche=qu….

[29] Al-Jazeera English, “UN Watchdog Condemns War on Gaza,” 13 January 2009, http://english.aljazeera.net/news/middleeast/2009/01/2009112152635783968….

[30] The United Nations resolution position was indeed reminiscent of Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s assessment of Israel’s July 2006 invasion of Lebanon as a “measured response.” The 33-day war in question left over 1100 Lebanese dead, one-third of them children. (Amnesty International, “Israel/Lebanon: Deliberate Destruction or ‘Collateral Damage’? Israel Attacks on Civilian Infrastructure,” 17 August 2006, http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/MDE18/007/2006/en/dom-MDE1800720…)

[31] Canadian Jewish Political Affairs Committee, “November 13, 2005 statement by Paul Martin on the issue of Israel and the Peace Process,” 13 November 2005, http://www.cjpac.ca/statements/read/8/186.

[32] The Canadian Encyclopaedia, “Indian Act,” 2009 Historica Foundation of Canada, http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/index.cfm?PgNm=TCE&Params=A1ARTA0….

[33] Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Population Registration Act,” Encyclopaedia Britannica Online, 2009, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/470466/Population-Registration….

[34] Mijal Grinberg, “200 Israelis, Palestinians protest new Israeli-only w. Bank road,” Ha’aretz, 23 December 2006, http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/804600.html.

[35] Chris McGreal, “Worlds Apart,” The Guardian, 6 February 2006, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2006/feb/06/southafrica.israel.

[36] United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, “Israel-OPT: UN Says Number of Checkpoints on the Rise,” IRIN, 23 February 2009, http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=78455.

[37] International Court of Justice, “Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (Request for advisory opinion): Summary of the Advisory Opinion of 9 July 2004,” 9 July 2004, http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/131/1677.pdf

[38] Ilan Pappe, A History of Modern Palestine (second edition) (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 138.

[39] United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, “Who is a Palestinian Refugee?,” http://www.un.org/unrwa/refugees/whois.html.

[40] Ahmed El Amraoui, “Israel’s Forgotten Palestinians,” 18 February 2009,http://english.aljazeera.net/focus/israelvotes/2009/02/20092913565224410….

[41] Coalition Against Israeli Apartheid, Labour for Palestine (revised edition) (Canada: JT Printing Ltd, 2008), 21.

[42] Adalah, “The Palestinian Minority in the Israeli Legal System,” The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel, http://www.adalah.org/eng/backgroundlegalsystem.php.

[43] Desmond Tutu, “Apartheid in the Holy Land,” The Guardian, 29 April 2002, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2002/apr/29/comment.

[44] Uri Davis, Apartheid Israel: Possibilities for the Struggle Within (Pretoria: Media Review Network, 2003), 87.

[45] Willie Madisha, “COSATU Open Letter in Support of CUPE Resolution on Israel,” Monthly Review, 7 June 2006, http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/cosatu070606.html.

[46] Democracy Now!, “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid…Jimmy Carter In His Own Words,” 30 November 2006, http://www.democracynow.org/2006/11/30/palestine_peace_not_apartheid_jim….

[47] Shlomo Shamir, “Top UN Official: Israel’s Policies are like Apartheid of Bygone Era,” Ha’aretz, 25 November 2008, http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1040614.html.

[48] Yossi Melman, “UN to Probe Claim Israel Used Depleted Uranium in Gaza,” Ha’aretz, 23 January 2009, http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1057649.html.

[49] BBC News, “Israel’s Nuclear Programme,” 22 December 2003, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/3340639.stm.

[50] Boycott Israeli Apartheid Campaign, “BDS Call: Palestinian Civil Society Calls for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions Against Israel,” 9 July 2005, http://www.boycottisraeliapartheid.org/node/7.

[51] Boycott Israeli Apartheid Campaign, “BDS Call: Palestinian Civil Society Calls for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions Against Israel,” 9 July 2005, http://www.boycottisraeliapartheid.org/node/7.

[52] Palestine Monitor, “U.S. Trade Unionists Support South African and Australian Dockers’ Boycott of Israeli Cargo,” 21 February 2009, http://www.palestinemonitor.org/spip/spip.php?article829.

[53] Mail and Guardian Online, “Dock workers to Boycott Israeli Ship,” 3 February 2009, http://www.mg.co.za/article/2009-02-03-dock-workers-to-boycott-israeli-s….

[54] Alison Kershaw, “LSE Students Continue Gaza Protest,” 16 January 2009, http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/lse-students-continu….

[55] BBC News, “Gaza Sit-in Demonstration Ended,” 22 January 2009, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/england/oxfordshire/7844890.stm.

[56] Democracy Now!, “Hampshire College Becomes First US College to Divest from Israel,” 12 February 2009, http://www.democracynow.org/2009/2/12/headlines.

[57] CBC News, “CUPE in Ontario votes to boycott Israel,” 27 May 2006, http://www.cbc.ca/canada/story/2006/05/27/cupe-sat.html.

[58] Deborah Guterman, “Academics petition for Israel boycott,” The McGill Daily, 5 February 2009, http://www.mcgilldaily.com/article/17720-academics-petition-for-israel-b….

[59] Canadian Union of Postal Workers, “CUPW delegates take firm stand to support Palestinian workers,” 24 April 2008, http://www.cupw.ca/index.cfm/ci_id/10664/la_id/1.htm.

Photo by: © Darren Ell 2008

Purchase Prints: http://www.redbubble.com/people/elldarren/
Online Archive: http://www.flickr.com/photos/darrenell/

Meg Leitold is a student and organizer with Tadamon! and Israel Apartheid Week Montreal, whose work and members have in large part informed the writing of this article. In particular, the contributions of Houda Asmar, Colm Massy and Dror Warshawski are greatly appreciated.

Comments from old site:

Submitted by Joan (not verified) on Tue, 03/10/2009 – 21:21.

Super interesting article!